State Violence by Federal Agencies: In early 2026, federal immigration agents acting under the Trump administration carried out several high-profile violent incidents on U.S. streets. On Jan. 7 an ICE officer in Minneapolis fatally shot 37-year-old Renee Nicole Good, a mother of three, as she sat in her car[1][2]. DHS officials immediately branded Good a “domestic terrorist” who tried to “weaponize” her vehicle[2], but local video and witnesses contradicted that narrative (Mayor Frey called the “self-defense” claim “garbage”)[3][2]. One week later (Jan. 14), an ICE agent wounded a Venezuelan man in Minneapolis during a traffic stop; DHS said he was linked to a foreign “gang” and tried to run down officers[4], but again details are disputed and video evidence has cast doubt on that story[5]. Protests erupted after each shooting, and federal agents used tear gas, pepper balls and flash-bang grenades against demonstrators in Minneapolis[6][7]. Indeed, President Trump even threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act to send troops into Minneapolis to crush these protests, framing them as obstacles to his “massive immigration crackdown”[8]. These events – ICE agents firing on civilians and DHS sending thousands of armed officers into American cities – exemplify a level of state coercion and paramilitary tactics that many observers associate with fascist movements (strong-arming domestic “enemies” with overwhelming force).
Propaganda and Scapegoating: Alongside these raids, Trump and his appointees have waged a concerted
propaganda campaign demonizing immigrants and local opponents. DHS Secretary
Kristi Noem labeled Renee Good’s actions “domestic terrorism”[2] while praising her shooter;
President Trump himself told Reuters that “very little respect” was shown to
his ICE officers[9]. In Portland, Oregon, DHS portrayed
the Jan. 8 Border Patrol shooting of two people outside a hospital as justified
by a “Venezuelan illegal alien” tied to a transnational gang[4]. This rhetoric echoed Trump’s
repeated claims that Venezuelan President Maduro was exporting a “bloodthirsty”
gang (“Tren de Aragua”) to “terrorize” U.S. communities[10][5] – a foreign bogeyman narrative used
to justify heavy-handed enforcement. At the same time, Trump has directly
scapegoated U.S. minorities: for example, he recently accused Somali–Americans
in Minnesota of “massively defrauding” welfare programs and has vowed (without
legal basis) to strip citizenship from immigrants “from Somalia, or anywhere
else” he deems criminals[11]. In rhetoric and policy Trump’s DHS
has similarly aimed hate at Venezuelans, Haitians and Afghan refugees, ending
protections for hundreds of thousands from those countries[12][13]. This pattern – casting vulnerable
groups as criminals or terrorists and promising to “root out” undesirables[14] – reflects fascist-style propaganda
of racial or national purity and victimizing a domestic “other.”
Cult of the Leader: Trumpism also displays elements of leader-centric worship. Trump’s
base demonstrates intense loyalty, often treating him as a messianic figure who
alone can save “the real America.” He regularly praises far-right militias and
paramilitary groups (like the Proud Boys) and has encouraged his followers to
confront opponents. National rallies and social media amplify his persona above
ideology. Although mass media and institutions still operate in the U.S.,
Trump’s personalism and the fervor of his rallies resemble the cult of
personality historically associated with fascist leaders[15]. Under his rule, federal agencies
like ICE have become vehicles of his will: their actions are explicitly tied to
executing his agenda (mass deportations, crime crackdowns) rather than
independent law enforcement, and they often laud their enforcement successes as
supporting the President. This blurring of lines – treating ICE as an
ideological force for “Trump’s America” – echoes the paramilitary zeal common
in fascist movements, even if the U.S. system has not (yet) abolished elections
or rival parties.
How These Factors Inform the
Fascism Debate: Taken together, these incidents lend
support to the argument that Trumpism has neo‑fascist characteristics. State
violence: the killing of a U.S. citizen and wounding of protesters and
civilians by ICE under Trump shows a new tolerance for domestic bloodshed by
federal agents. Propaganda: labeling immigrants or even U.S. residents as
terrorists/“bloodthirsty gangs” mirrors fascist scapegoating of outsiders. Cult
of leader: the personalization of policy and mobilization of followers around
Trump’s persona resemble authoritarian idolization. Indeed, protesters in
Minneapolis chanted explicitly anti-fascist slogans (“No fascist USA”) and
called for abolishing ICE[16], indicating how many viewed the
crackdown as reminiscent of fascism.
On the other hand, skeptics note key
differences. Unlike historical fascism, Trumpism operates within existing
institutions; Congress, courts and rival parties remain intact and occasionally
challenge his moves (e.g. state attorneys general and mayors are suing to block
ICE operations as a “federal invasion”[17]). There is no official single-party
apparatus taking total control of the state. Some analysts argue Trump lacks a
coherent revolutionary ideology and does not fully mobilize society for an
all-consuming cause[18][19]. (For example, one Guardian
commentator emphasizes that while Trump incites some violence and promises mass
deportations, he has not glorified war or sacrifice in the way early fascists
did[20][21].) Moreover, the U.S. media is still
largely free to criticize the President, and many Trump policies have been
checked by courts and legislatures.
Conclusion: The recent ICE incidents under Trump illustrate the most fascist-like
aspects of his agenda: aggressive state violence and inflammatory rhetoric
against scapegoated groups. They underscore that Trumpism has indeed embraced
tactics – tear-gassing peaceful protesters, deploying armed agents to cities,
branding dissenters as criminals – often used by fascist movements. Whether
this makes the United States a “fascist state” is a matter of definition and
debate. But the evidence shows that Trump’s second administration has
significantly shifted U.S. immigration enforcement toward the authoritarian end
of the spectrum[22][23]. At a minimum, the use of federal
force against domestic opposition and the racialized propaganda campaign under
Trump meet several criteria of neo-fascism, even as the country’s remaining
democratic structures prevent a full dictatorship.
Sources:
Recent reporting by Reuters, The Associated Press, and other outlets documents
these events and statements[1][4][23][22]. These include the Minneapolis ICE
shootings, related protests, Trump and DHS official remarks, and the broader
context of Trump’s immigration crackdown and rhetoric. All cited information
comes from mainstream news coverage of January 2026.
[1] [3] Renee Nicole Good: Woman shot by ICE agent was a mom of 3 | AP News
https://apnews.com/article/ice-shooting-minneapolis-minnesota-9aa822670b705c89906f2c699f1d16c5
[2] [9] [10] [14] [17] [23] Federal agent shoots Venezuelan immigrant in Minneapolis: What we know
| Civil Rights News | Al Jazeera
[4] [5] Federal immigration officers shoot 2 outside hospital in Portland,
Oregon | AP News
https://apnews.com/article/immigration-shooting-oregon-5eeffe06106f711b8a17f6072ad9b53d
[6] Federal agents use flash bangs and teargas against protesters in
Minneapolis – video | Minnesota ICE shooting | The Guardian
[7] [8] Trump threatens to send troops to Minneapolis | AP News
[11] [13] Trump is ending Temporary Protected Status for Somalis | AP News
[12] [22] Trump set to expand immigration crackdown in 2026 despite brewing
backlash | Reuters
[15] [18] [19] [20] [21] No, Trump is not a fascist. But that doesn’t make him any less
dangerous | Jan-Werner Müller | The Guardian
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/oct/29/trump-rally-fascism-politics
[16] Tens of thousands protest in Minneapolis over fatal ICE shooting |
Reuters
