Academia as a habitat: Trumpism, State Violence, and Fascism in 2026

State Violence by Federal Agencies: In early 2026, federal immigration agents acting under the Trump administration carried out several high-profile violent incidents on U.S. streets. On Jan. 7 an ICE officer in Minneapolis fatally shot 37-year-old Renee Nicole Good, a mother of three, as she sat in her car[1][2]. DHS officials immediately branded Good a “domestic terrorist” who tried to “weaponize” her vehicle[2], but local video and witnesses contradicted that narrative (Mayor Frey called the “self-defense” claim “garbage”)[3][2]. One week later (Jan. 14), an ICE agent wounded a Venezuelan man in Minneapolis during a traffic stop; DHS said he was linked to a foreign “gang” and tried to run down officers[4], but again details are disputed and video evidence has cast doubt on that story[5]. Protests erupted after each shooting, and federal agents used tear gas, pepper balls and flash-bang grenades against demonstrators in Minneapolis[6][7]. Indeed, President Trump even threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act to send troops into Minneapolis to crush these protests, framing them as obstacles to his “massive immigration crackdown”[8]. These events – ICE agents firing on civilians and DHS sending thousands of armed officers into American cities – exemplify a level of state coercion and paramilitary tactics that many observers associate with fascist movements (strong-arming domestic “enemies” with overwhelming force).

Propaganda and Scapegoating: Alongside these raids, Trump and his appointees have waged a concerted propaganda campaign demonizing immigrants and local opponents. DHS Secretary Kristi Noem labeled Renee Good’s actions “domestic terrorism”[2] while praising her shooter; President Trump himself told Reuters that “very little respect” was shown to his ICE officers[9]. In Portland, Oregon, DHS portrayed the Jan. 8 Border Patrol shooting of two people outside a hospital as justified by a “Venezuelan illegal alien” tied to a transnational gang[4]. This rhetoric echoed Trump’s repeated claims that Venezuelan President Maduro was exporting a “bloodthirsty” gang (“Tren de Aragua”) to “terrorize” U.S. communities[10][5] – a foreign bogeyman narrative used to justify heavy-handed enforcement. At the same time, Trump has directly scapegoated U.S. minorities: for example, he recently accused Somali–Americans in Minnesota of “massively defrauding” welfare programs and has vowed (without legal basis) to strip citizenship from immigrants “from Somalia, or anywhere else” he deems criminals[11]. In rhetoric and policy Trump’s DHS has similarly aimed hate at Venezuelans, Haitians and Afghan refugees, ending protections for hundreds of thousands from those countries[12][13]. This pattern – casting vulnerable groups as criminals or terrorists and promising to “root out” undesirables[14] – reflects fascist-style propaganda of racial or national purity and victimizing a domestic “other.”

Cult of the Leader: Trumpism also displays elements of leader-centric worship. Trump’s base demonstrates intense loyalty, often treating him as a messianic figure who alone can save “the real America.” He regularly praises far-right militias and paramilitary groups (like the Proud Boys) and has encouraged his followers to confront opponents. National rallies and social media amplify his persona above ideology. Although mass media and institutions still operate in the U.S., Trump’s personalism and the fervor of his rallies resemble the cult of personality historically associated with fascist leaders[15]. Under his rule, federal agencies like ICE have become vehicles of his will: their actions are explicitly tied to executing his agenda (mass deportations, crime crackdowns) rather than independent law enforcement, and they often laud their enforcement successes as supporting the President. This blurring of lines – treating ICE as an ideological force for “Trump’s America” – echoes the paramilitary zeal common in fascist movements, even if the U.S. system has not (yet) abolished elections or rival parties.

How These Factors Inform the Fascism Debate: Taken together, these incidents lend support to the argument that Trumpism has neo‑fascist characteristics. State violence: the killing of a U.S. citizen and wounding of protesters and civilians by ICE under Trump shows a new tolerance for domestic bloodshed by federal agents. Propaganda: labeling immigrants or even U.S. residents as terrorists/“bloodthirsty gangs” mirrors fascist scapegoating of outsiders. Cult of leader: the personalization of policy and mobilization of followers around Trump’s persona resemble authoritarian idolization. Indeed, protesters in Minneapolis chanted explicitly anti-fascist slogans (“No fascist USA”) and called for abolishing ICE[16], indicating how many viewed the crackdown as reminiscent of fascism.

On the other hand, skeptics note key differences. Unlike historical fascism, Trumpism operates within existing institutions; Congress, courts and rival parties remain intact and occasionally challenge his moves (e.g. state attorneys general and mayors are suing to block ICE operations as a “federal invasion”[17]). There is no official single-party apparatus taking total control of the state. Some analysts argue Trump lacks a coherent revolutionary ideology and does not fully mobilize society for an all-consuming cause[18][19]. (For example, one Guardian commentator emphasizes that while Trump incites some violence and promises mass deportations, he has not glorified war or sacrifice in the way early fascists did[20][21].) Moreover, the U.S. media is still largely free to criticize the President, and many Trump policies have been checked by courts and legislatures.

Conclusion: The recent ICE incidents under Trump illustrate the most fascist-like aspects of his agenda: aggressive state violence and inflammatory rhetoric against scapegoated groups. They underscore that Trumpism has indeed embraced tactics – tear-gassing peaceful protesters, deploying armed agents to cities, branding dissenters as criminals – often used by fascist movements. Whether this makes the United States a “fascist state” is a matter of definition and debate. But the evidence shows that Trump’s second administration has significantly shifted U.S. immigration enforcement toward the authoritarian end of the spectrum[22][23]. At a minimum, the use of federal force against domestic opposition and the racialized propaganda campaign under Trump meet several criteria of neo-fascism, even as the country’s remaining democratic structures prevent a full dictatorship.

Sources: Recent reporting by Reuters, The Associated Press, and other outlets documents these events and statements[1][4][23][22]. These include the Minneapolis ICE shootings, related protests, Trump and DHS official remarks, and the broader context of Trump’s immigration crackdown and rhetoric. All cited information comes from mainstream news coverage of January 2026.